Articles on the Bosnia Conflict



Report #10 – Tomašica
By Peter Lippman
December 2013

2013 Report index

Report 1:  Kosovo, mid-July, 2013
Report 2Sarajevo, July 2013
Report 3Sarajevo, continued July 2013
Report 4Tuzla, July 2013
Report 5Mostar, July 2013
Report 6Srebrenica, August 2013

Report 7Srebrenica, continued, August 2013
Report 8:  Prijedor and vicinity, August 2013
Report 9:  Prijedor and vicinity, part two, August 2013
Report 10
Tomašica, December 2013

Previous journals and articles

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Tomašica, Bosnia’s biggest mass grave

Dear friends and readers,

I dedicate this final report of the present series, and the entire series, to the brave activists of Prijedor, Banja Luka, Srebrenica, Sarajevo, Mostar, and all of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The report that follows contains a number of unreferenced quotations and citations, because this is not an academic writing. I am inserting a few linked sources at the end of the report. Feel free to contact me if you wish to know further sources of any information contained here.

thanks for reading,



In early September, excavation on a huge mass grave near Prijedor was commenced, and since then, some hundreds of remains have been exhumed. These are the remains of some of the approximately 1,200 disappeared wartime victims still missing in this region.

In order to discuss this development I must provide a few details about the atmosphere in Prijedor as a refresher about what kind of place the present, arresting drama is unfolding in.

I have regularly mentioned the survivors’ and returnees’ struggle for memory and against denial. Demands of this struggle include the arrest and processing of the war criminals; the right to memorialization of the war crimes at the places of those crimes; and of course, among other things, the discovery and reburial of the missing.

I have also described some of the actions of the local activists, and the response of denial by local officials, all the way up to the “Pharaoh” (as Sudbin Musić called him), Mayor Pavić of Prijedor.

This past May 31 on “White Armband Day,” activists from around Bosnia-Herzegovina and abroad gathered in Prijedor, wearing white armbands in memory of the wartime requirement – chillingly reminiscent of similar World War II Nazi laws pertaining to Jews – that local Muslims had to identify themselves as such by wearing white armbands.

The activists laid 103 roses on the paving stones in the pedestrian zone in central Prijedor, recalling the number of children who were killed in this municipality during the war. Despite the fact that Mayor Pavić banned this demonstration, as he has previously banned others in the same vein, hundreds of people gathered in defiance of the mayor's prohibitions.

In response, Pavić belittled the action, saying, “Ah, that’s just another gay parade!” But the turnout for the protest was a clear indication that resistance to Pavić’s obstruction, and agitation for equal rights in the Prijedor area, are growing. Significantly, not only did local Serbs participate in the demonstration along with Muslim returnees, but supporters traveled to Prijedor from Banja Luka, Sarajevo and even from abroad.

Lately Mayor Pavić and his legal enforcers have been stepping up harassment of returnees by, among other things, arresting some of them who had been involved in the early, failed resistance to ethnic cleansing in the area. He has also had activist Sabahudin Garibović arrested simply for using the world “genocide” during a protest last year. And above all, the Pharaoh continues to act as the main obstacle in preventing the establishment of any public memorial institution commemorating the war crimes against Bosniaks and Croats in the region.

One of the saddest elements of this repressive situation has been the willingness of a majority of local Bosniak representatives – principally from the SDA and SBiH parties – to collaborate with Pavić or to gloss over his deeds. Most of them have given in to the temptation of their own careerism, which treats a secure job and an income as more important than the rights of the returnees and the victims of the wartime atrocities. Local activists have wondered publicly why the central party organizations in Sarajevo have not spoken up against this collaboration.

Meanwhile, Pavić regularly speaks of Prijedor as a “city looking to the future, where there is no need to awaken the evil spirits of the past.” This, while continuing to conduct interrogations –  “informative conversations” with activists, sometimes sending police to visit them late at night.

In this human rights desert activists have carried on, strengthening their efforts rather than giving up – although you can imagine that it is a thankless and wearying struggle that they and the survivors they represent are waging. Two families of activists I know celebrated the important religious holiday of Kurban Bajram together while I was in the region, with a total of twelve people present. For us in the West, that may seem like a decent number, but at least thirty or forty of their relatives were absent – either buried in the local Šehid cemetery, or still missing in some pit or mass grave.

In the area of Prijedor there were 59 concentration camps and other spaces where prisoners were held during the war. Of the more than 3,200 people who were killed, remains have been discovered in various parts of the Krajina in over a hundred clandestine graves, of which around sixty were located in the Prijedor municipality. To date the biggest one was Kevljani II (mentioned in a previous report), but now a larger mass grave at Tomašica, a mining site near the small town of Ljubija, has been opened. The mines at Ljubija are part of the mining and mineral processing complex bought by Mittal, together with Omarska, in 2004.

In a little over two months, well over four hundred remains have been uncovered.

In fact, parts of Tomašica had been excavated in 2004, when 24 remains were exhumed, and in 2006, when another ten were discovered. But somehow, it was not understood that the extent of the burials was much greater than what had already been seen, and thus for another seven years the place lay ignored, except by the occasional shepherd, grazing his flock on the surface above the bones of hundreds of victims.

Then this year, a couple of former soldiers in the Serb army felt pangs of conscience and let authorities know that the gravesite held far more victims than had been supposed. These soldiers had participated in the transporting of bodies to the site in 1992. One of them led investigators directly to the site of the mass grave. He said, “I can’t comprehend what my people did to the Bosniak people.” He did not ask for money in return for revealing the grave, only that his name never be mentioned. He spoke of the neighbors who, in the postwar years, had protested about the grave, calling for it to be removed because of the odor, which was reaching to their houses even via the underground water. But they were not prepared to let the families of the missing know about this place.

The scope of the mass grave became obvious only gradually. In early October it was reported that 47 complete bodies had been exhumed and some 50 incomplete remains. Excavation was taking place as deep as ten meters under the surface. More remains came to light every day, and towards the end of the month some 271 victims had been exhumed, some with identifying documents and personal effects such as watches and photographs. On October 31st a count of 380 remains was reported. Some of the remains still included hair, skin, and even body tissue, because they had been buried so deeply, in clay, and packed together. These gruesome facts may contribute to identification, which will nevertheless mostly be done through DNA comparison.

Early on, the grave was reported to cover an area of five thousand square meters, but in the course of the excavation new sections have also been uncovered.

Tomašica is what is known as a primary grave, which means that the remains that are found there have not been moved from anywhere else. The majority of mass graves stemming from the Srebrenica massacres, on the other hand, are secondary and even tertiary graves, holding remains that were removed from their original resting place in order to conceal the crime.

Since early November it has been predicted that the number of exhumations at Tomašica will break the record 629 recovered remains from the mass grave of Srebrenica massacre victims at Crni Vrh, near Zvornik. In fact, there is a secondary grave, Jakarina Kosa, associated with Tomašica. There, in 2001, 373 remains were exhumed, and they were said to have been removed from Tomašica as early as July 1993.

By mid-November the number of complete and incomplete remains reached 430, and then 470. It is expected that hundreds more remains could be exhumed, although as of early December, fresh snow will slow excavation during this season. Given this – and especially taking into account those removed to Jakarina Kosa – Tomašica should be considered the biggest single mass grave to be encountered in Europe since World War II.

The revelations at Tomašica s
urpass the mere fact of numbers, staggering though they are. Those being exhumed at this mass grave are the missing loved ones of people who have been waiting for them for two decades. The uncovering is a painful experience for the survivors, and at the same time a bitter satisfaction. On one hand, it brings back to the fore all the dreadful memories of the horror and atrocities that took place during the war, and throws into high contrast the feeling of injustice at the indifference and denial of citizens of Prijedor, from the neighbors of Tomašica on up to the highest local officials and beyond.

On the other hand, there is certainly satisfaction for many people who have been waiting for twenty years to bury their loved ones to know that they will finally be able to do so. Activist Mirsad
Duratović said, “This is a big relief for the families that have been searching for their missing loved ones for the last twenty years. After each funeral their fear increases, the fear that they will never find their disappeared relatives, and that is something that causes the greatest pain and fear among the families of the disappeared.”

Relatives of the missing, including activists, have been visiting Tomašica since the new excavations began. Unable to stay away even though they cannot participate in the excavation, it is as if they feel they must be involved, and that their relatives must be found. People from specific villages such as Zecovo, Čarakovo, Rizvanovići, and Bišćani came in the hope that their relatives who were killed in those villages, or taken away to be killed, would be discovered.

In Zecovo, seventeen children and fifteen women were killed.

I noted that the villages mentioned above are all in that group of locations that were attacked by extreme nationalist Serb forces as part of their concerted move westwards, as described to me by Kemal Pervanić in an earlier report.

Aida Đugum, from Prijedor, was quoted as saying, “Whenever they discover another mass grave, I hope that they will find my brother and father.”

Mirsad Duratović's colleague Sudbin Musić wrote, “I am reeling from the pain, and mute from the horror. And I don't know, I really don't know how to bear this.”

And Duratović, also missing the better part of his family, wrote, “All of us who are waiting to discover our loved ones hope that this grave will uncover the long-hidden, heavy secret of the disappearance of our dear ones. It is difficult and painful, but may God grant that all of our martyrs, and we, may finally find peace.”

It did not assuage the pain of the survivors at all, in this sensitive period, when Mayor Pavić declared that the remains found at Tomašica were of people who “perished and were buried.” I must explain that in English, “to die” means simply “to die,” but in Bosnian, there are different verbs for “to die” (a natural death), “to perish” (to be killed while fighting during a war, or in a car accident), and “to be killed,” that is, to be murdered. So these people were not killed while fighting; the vast majority of them were civilians, along with a few captured soldiers.

Likewise, in English, “to bury” means “to bury,” in various senses. But in the Bosnian language there are distinct verbs for burying. You can’s use the same verb for throwing someone in a pit that you use for giving someone a decent burial.

Details have come out gradually about the nature of the “burials.” Excavators found bullet cartridges at the gravesites, revealing that at least some of the victims had been killed on the spot. And recently, a Swedish journalist recounted that immediately after the signing of the Dayton agreement at the end of 1995 he had researched the story of Tomašica and had received information about it from human rights researchers in Croatia. Croatian human rights activist Ivan Zvonimir Čičak
recalled that he had been informed about Tomašica by an employee of the mine there. The employee told him that “a mass of live people” had been buried there. Ćičak was also told that hundreds of people were machine-gunned at the edge of pits, and that lime was dumped on top of the bodies before they were bulldozed into the ground.

In two New York Times articles, published on January
11th and 14th of 1996, Chris Hedges wrote in as much detail as was known about the missing at that time. The crucial name of the Tomašica site was absent, but Hedges reported that one nearby resident told him, “Buses were coming day and night. They were full of people, and then they returned from the mine empty. We heard shooting day and night...that lasted more than two months.” Hedges noted that two American reporters who came to investigate mass graves in the area were arrested by Serb forces and deported from the entity.

British troops stationed in the area after the signing of the Dayton agreement reported finding corpses in all manner of places – in basements and under floorboards – in the course of their patrols, but that they had no mandate to search for missing persons or mass graves, which would be a diversion from their main goal. One commander said, “Our job is to separate forces, not to look for mass graves.”

In his second article, Hedges recalled that after World War II, “the Germans were not allowed to deny their Holocaust,” but that such an endeavor of denial was already well underway among Serbs, in “a new war against memory.” And Hedges criticized NATO troops’ “nuanced aloofness,” contrasting it with the practices of British and American troops in Germany fifty years earlier.

In 2005, the Sarajevo weekly magazine Dani published an
article by Snježana Mulić discussing Mittal’s at best irresponsible approach to its grim acquisitions in Prijedor municipality. Mulić estimated that there were still 1,700 bodies hidden within the mines at Ljubija, but noted that this did not stop the Mittal Steel Company from continuing to mine ore. She recounts how Jasmin Odobašić, working for the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Federal Commission on Missing Persons, guided Ljubija mines manager Muraree Mukherjee, a Mittal employee, to the Kevljani mass grave in 2004 and showed him hundreds of remains. Mukherjee promised Odobašić that he would “do everything so that all the graves...were discovered.” But Mukherjee did not follow through on his promise, and spokespersons for Mittal have even denied that there are any mass graves on the property that the company controls.

On the subject of mass denial, the writer and commentator
Nedim Seferović had this to say, in early December:

“On the other side of a chillingly painful reality embodied by the pile of human corpses of the innocent killed and buried people at Tomašica…[there is]
the irrational denialist way of life of a huge number of residents of Bosnia-Herzegovina, flatly uninterested in the repercussions of the massive crimes that were committed just a short ways from their doorsteps.

That distancing is astonishing and unexplainable; in its full capacity it is collective, ever-present and deafening in its cowardly silence. It is the reflection of the dominant group attitude towards the crimes committed in the past and towards the results of those crimes. In its totality it encompasses the refusal to admit and accept the essential existence of Tomašica, [] as a pile of human bodies killed under the force of the all-encompassing value system that justified and supported crime…   That distancing, primarily of a Nazi-fascist character, no longer may be excused today on the basis of an exceptional social climate wherein one could lose one’s head simply because of a dissenting outlook. Today, it [denial] is a matter of choice.”


In a related political development, in early November Mirsad Duratović, who is a member of the Prijedor municipal council, was removed from his seat on the Commission for Regional Cooperation and Inter-ethnic Relations. This was the culmination of the deterioration of relations between him and the most powerful Bosniak member of the municipal council, Muharem Murselović.

Murselović is also a landlord, and he had been renting office space to Duratović’s organization of concentration camp survivors, Prijedor 92. After that organization and other activists criticized Murselović for joining a parliamentary coalition with Mayor Pavić’s party, he tripled the rent on their office, forcing them to move. Then, in a further retaliatory move, he supported the expulsion of Duratović from the Commission. In fact, all the other Bosniak members of the municipal assembly voted for the expulsion as well.

Duratović noted that his income from membership in the Commission was a mere 125 KM a month (around $80) – not anything to live on, but his only steady income. However, he said, “I’m not going to keep quiet about Tomašica because of a 125-KM income.”


A week into November, Mayor Pavić found it within himself to visit the mass grave at Tomašica. While there, he spoke with a court investigator, and expressed “deep sorrow for all that happened, and especially for the families of the disappeared and the exhumed victims.”  He also stated that the city of Prijedor was prepared to offer assistance “so that the exhumations could be carried out in a dignified manner.” It should be pointed out that the families of the disappeared have financed one of the three bulldozers working to uncover the remains.

Families of the victims were not particularly gratified by Pavić’s statements, saying that Pavić would have much more to do before they could be convinced of his sincerity.

It should not be difficult to understand the survivors’ frustration – certainly with Pavić, but also with pretty much anyone else who comes to Tomašica for a photo opportunity. This includes Bosniak politicians who have come up from Sarajevo to be seen at the gravesite, but who otherwise have given precious little support for the survivors’ ongoing struggles. Meanwhile, survivors have invited President of the Hague war crimes tribunal Theodore Meron to visit the site. Members of survivors’ associations visiting Holland called on Meron to come to Tomašica and to “experience the smell of genocide.”

Meron’s visit, which took place at the end of November, was added to a trip that he took to Sarajevo at that time in order to attend a conference marking the anniversary of the International Criminal Tribune for the former Yugoslavia. But, considering his recent record of reversing the convictions of some of the most notorious war criminals, his appearance was met with a very ambivalent response on the part of survivors.

Another reason for the heightened sensitivity of the survivors is the media silence that has reigned in the region. This is to be expected from the media in the Republika Srpska, unfortunately, and there, it has been nearly complete. However, it was reported that a journalist from Banja Luka came to the gravesite and became sick from what he saw. Another one, from Belgrade but working for a German television station, broke down in tears, overcome by the crimes that were committed “in the name of his people.”


A note about journalists in the RS: There are, in fact, more than a few very honorable journalists based in the Republika Srpska, some of them working for news outlets in the Federation or abroad. Dragan Bursać, a professor of philosophy, is a columnist and journalist for the indispensible RS-based web portal “buka” (noise), represented in the Cyrillic as “6yka.” (Click here for the outlet’s main page.)

Bursać castigated the mainstream RS press for ignoring Tomašica as much as it could, recalling how during World War II, Serbs themselves were killed in vast numbers in ways not much different from the more recent massacres. He asked rhetorically, “Has this people perhaps forgotten?” He continued, “What is with all of us, twenty years after? Do we have the morality, the honor, and the humanity, to look at ourselves in the mirror and to seek forgiveness? …no, the media, nursed on the fast food of nationalism, does not give this nation the chance even to look in that mirror of reality.”

Touching on historical amnesia, Bursać continued, “Remember, there are things worse than death. And that is death buried in oblivion and disinterest. In one way or another, this nearly one thousand people [referring to those exhumed at Tomašica] will at least be saved from that, and their families will give them a dignified burial…but, who will mourn for the chronically uninformed and uninterested, when they are no more, when they cross from physical obedience to eternity on the other side? Is that what they were born for, to keep silent and to be dead throughout their entire life?”

And there is the reporter Nađa Diklić. I am mentioning her because she was in the news late last month, a
fter her car was damaged by an unknown attacker. This is the third time that Diklić's auto has been attacked, reflecting a pattern that's standard practice against dissidents and whistleblowers in the Republika Srpska. It is not uncommon for this kind of attack to constitute a warning, portending physical attacks and even the murder of the target.

Diklić contacted the police after each attack on her car. This time, the police declared that it was a case of attempted grand theft. Diklić wondered why someone would try to steal a seventeen-year-old Golf worth less than a thousand KM (~$700), when there were other, much more valuable cars nearby.

Nađa Diklić’s offense against the Republika Srpska authorities has been to write about corruption in that entity for many years. In the earlier part of the previous decade, she wrote for the Sarajevo-based daily Avaz. In 2006 she wrote an article about the wealth of Milorad Dodik, who at the time was prime minister of the RS, earning the animosity of the boss of that entity.

In recent years Diklić, who finished degrees in political science and journalism, has been a correspondent for the Sarajevo-based weekly muckraker Slobodna Bosna. For that magazine she has covered economic scandals of the RS, such as the crooked privatization and wrecking of the large “Birač” aluminum processing plant.

When in a recent interview Diklić was asked how it is to live in the Republika Srpska and to write criticism of the government, she answered, “That is about like being the Israeli correspondent for some Palestinian newspaper…here, the majority of the Banja Luka media work within the scope of the program, ‘help the RS government,’ and for this they have received millions of KM. And if I publish a documented report that Milorad Dodik smuggled gas during the war, and I supply the documentation, I’m not writing an article about war profiteering, I’m ‘attacking the Republika Srpska’…because here, the rule applies: ‘The state, that is I!’ [as spoken by Dodik].”

After Diklić wrote the article about Dodik’s wealth, she recalled, “the prime minister of the entity cursed me up and down. No one in my editorial staff responded to that, and on one of the portals here, there were exactly 63 comments about how I should be killed, because I’m a ‘traitor to the Serbian people.’” But Diklić expressed gratitude that in the present case, the Association of Bosnian-Herzegovinan Journalists has reacted. (And she promises to come up to date with payment of her membership dues.)

Diklić conjectures that the most recent attack was in response to a presentation she gave not long ago in Belgrade at the founding assembly of the Balkan Anti-corruption League. There, she focused on some of the most prominent corruption scandals in the Republika Srpska in recent times, some of which are associated with Dodik and his ruling SNSD party. “I spoke about the privatization of Birač…and the political murders in the RS,” Diklić explained. She added that more than anything else, it apparently “bothered someone” (a very common phrase in Bosnia) that she filed a criminal complaint against Dodik with the special prosecutor in Serbia, for war profiteering. This complaint is based on material that she uncovered while researching for Slobodna Bosna, concerning a loan that Dodik received from a bank in Serbia.


More chilling history about the original disappearance of Prijedor’s victims into the earth at Tomašica came to light in mid-November during the proceedings against former top commander of the Republika Srpska army, Ratko Mladić, on trial at The Hague for war crimes. There, the prosecutor noted that as of mid-November, 470 sets of remains had been exhumed. It was noted that Mladić had written about these remains in his wartime journals, which were captured during a raid on his Belgrade apartment in 2010, when he was still a fugitive.

In a May 27, 1993 entry in the diary, Mladić wrote that the then head of the Prijedor police, Simo Drljača, had requested assistance from Mladić in the removal of “about five thousand bodies buried in the mines.” Mladić wrote further that Drljača wanted to “foist them on the army” and to have the army “take care of the bodies by burning them, grinding them up, or in some other way.”

Recently, the survivor and former prisoner organizations in Prijedor addressed a list of demands to the authorities in that city, including the following:
--Urgently appoint two prosecutors to investigate the murder and concealment of those buried at Tomašica.

--Finance a sufficient number of construction machines to assist in the excavations at Tomašica.
--Form a multi-ethnic and multi-disciplinary commission that will determine all the circumstances of the deaths of the people found in the mass grave at Tomašica, as was done in the case of Srebrenica.
--Permit the observance of the May 31st White Armband Day in Prijedor.
--Abolish ethnic discrimination against wartime victims and survivors.
--Allow the construction of a memorial to the victims in the center of Prijedor, at Omarska, and at other former concentration camps.

Discussing these demands, Edin Ramulić of the organization Izvor wondered why no one has been prosecuted for the crimes associated with Tomašica. Nothing has been undertaken to determine the identities of the culprits. Ramulić noted that, in the case of the 1,900 previous exhumations already performed in the Prijedor area, there has not been a single court case opened.

In this vein, activist Refik Hodžić wrote an article (November 12th) stating that the phenomenon of Tomašica is the natural result of a plan to separate peoples. He describes the consequences of such separation: silence about the suffering of the “other” – a “leaden” silence, which causes as much anger among the survivors as did the original crime. The fact that the victims’ erstwhile neighbors remained silent about the location of the gravesite is a painful one to comprehend.

Hodžić notes that the silence in Prijedor is an “illustration of the state of society,” whose citizens are still “imprisoned in the impossibility of confronting their own responsibility for the crimes that were committed.”

There is a relatively small ameliorative, mainly used among activists: of late, concerned individuals have been communicating via Twitter about Tomašica, regularly updating each other about daily developments. Take a look here.


In the annals of court cases pertaining to the Bosnian war, both at The Hague and in the Bosnian courts, there have been a dozen-odd convictions for genocide. All of these convictions pertain to the crimes at Srebrenica, and world opinion, where it considers genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina at all, has primarily associated that crime with Srebrenica. But the survivors of the crimes committed in Prijedor municipality – and the relatives of those now being exhumed at Tomašica – have another certainty.

According to Edin Ramulić, Tomašica is one of “the most obvious proofs that genocide was committed in Prijedor.” “This is proof of the system,” he states, “because hundreds of people and machines had to have been involved in the creation of the mass grave. Military and civilian officials had to be there, from the civil defense and community services on. It is clear that this was part of a joint criminal enterprise…it will certainly be useful in the cases of Karadžić and Mladić, where [their indictments for genocide]
include Prijedor.

Mirsad Duratović has pointed out that the difference between Srebrenica and Prijedor is that the events at Srebrenica were covered at the time that the genocide was taking place, while the more drawn-out genocide at Prijedor took place before the international community was catching up with the facts – or, he says,
“Maybe they did not even want to know what was happening in Prijedor.”

In any event, it is my opinion that once international officials cleansed their guilty feelings through recognition of genocide at Srebrenica, they washed their hands of the issue. I hope that the last couple of cases before the Hague court will prove otherwise.

In this series, I have already reminded readers of the particulars in the
1948 UN Convention on Genocide, so I will refrain from re-inserting them here, but you can review them in this report. It is to be hoped that in the near future, the case history will affirm that genocide was committed not only in Srebrenica, but also in Prijedor – and in a number of other locations around Bosnia-Herzegovina. One possibility for the realization of this hope is that, as has been announced recently, evidence regarding the Tomašica graves will be introduced in the ongoing trial of Ratko Mladić.

Odds and Ends

In an upsetting development that adds to the pain and sense of injustice that well up during the exhumation of hundreds of massacre victims at Tomašica, a local war criminal was released in the first half of November. Darko Mrđa, who admitted guilt in the Korićanske Stijene massacre, had been sentenced to 17 years' imprisonment in 2004. In the Korićanske Stijene incident, police removed prisoners from Trnopolje camp and drove them into the mountains towards central Bosnia, ostensibly to release them. But at Korićanske Stijene, they shot and killed 228 men and threw them over a cliff.

Mrđa was released early
“for good behavior” after serving two thirds of his sentence, but before the remains of all of his victims have been discovered. Muslim and Croat returnees to Prijedor are not looking forward to seeing him back home.


Slobodan Stojanović was a member of a unit of special police forces from Serbia and has been a protected witness against accused war criminals in that country. In late November he told an interviewer from Slobodna Bosna that “in eastern Bosnia there is an undiscovered mass grave that it bigger than Tomašica.” Stojanović asserts that the grave may hold between one thousand and two thousand remains. He explained that special police from the Leskovac [a city in Serbia] police force participated in the massacre of victims in this grave, and that the Serbian prosecutor’s office “knows very well” where the grave is located.

End of Report – End of Series

Final note: As before, I heartily thank my brother, Roger Lippman, for patiently proofreading all my texts. And thanks also to
András Riedlmayer for regularly providing me (and many others) with important documents.


Some relevant links and sources:

Bosnian Mine Is Thought to Hold Evidence of Mass Killings
By Chris Hedges
, The New York Times, Jan. 11, 1996

NEVER AGAIN, AGAIN: After the Peace, the War Against Memory
By Chris Hedges
, The New York Times, Jan. 14, 1996

Iron Ore Enriched with Human Bones
By Snježana Mulić, BH Dani (Sarajevo), Apr. 15, 2005

Bivši pripadnik vojske RS otkrio informaciju o masovnoj grobnici kod Prijedora
Sept. 6, 2013

Bosnia mass grave with dozens of victims uncovered
Agence France-Presse, Sept. 6, 2013

Oči porodica nestalih Prijedorčana uprte u masovnu grobnicu u rudniku Tomašica
TRT Bosanski, Sept. 7, 2013

Prijedor: "Kad god se otkrije masovna grobnica, očekujem da ću naći brata i oca"
Radio Slobodna Evropa, Sept. 15, 2013

Iz Tomašice ekshumirano 17 kompletnih tijela i 48 posmrtnih ostataka
Fena, Oct. 2, 2013

Remains of Bosnia's war victims exhumed
Agence France-Presse, Oct. 5, 2013

Bosnia digging up what could be biggest mass grave
By Eldar Emric, The Associated Press, Oct. 31, 2013

Tomašica, mrtvi ljudi i živi mrtvaci!
By Dragan Bursać, Nov. 8, 2013

Kome smeta Nađa Diklić? Krivična prijava protiv Dodika
Nov. 11, 2013

Tomašica - rezultat 'razdvajanja naroda'
By Refik Hodžić, Nov. 12, 2013

Prosecutor: Tomasica Findings to Be Admitted into Mladic Case
Sense News Agency, The Hague
, Nov. 13 2013

"Nakon Tomašice niko nema pravo da kaže da se u Prijedoru nije desio genocid!"
By Nedim Botić, Nov. 14, 2013

Kultura kolektivne moralne ravnodušnosti
By Nedim Seferović, December 2, 2013

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